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15 Dec
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Istoria, cea mai periculoasă armă din istorie

Istoria este o materie strategica, sau cel putin cu efecte geopolitice - atât Rusia cat si China utilizează aceleași metode. Istoria ca pretext și legitimare a expansiunii si agresiunii militare. La care se adaugă presiunea mass-media, încercarea de manipulare a opiniei publice, în creștere continuă pe spațiul românesc, din partea Rusiei.

Mai jos, un fragment dintr-o analiză americană pe China - au Pacificul de împărțit și nu le vine bine, mai ales după experimentul Vietnam, care a lăsat până astăzi urme în memoria cadrelor militare ale SUA. Iar cea mai dură lecție primită de US Army & Navy a fost legată de influențarea opiniei publice mondiale și mai ales americane de către agentura rusă și mijloacele de persuasiune și manipulare mass media controlate abil de Moscova.
Un studiu foarte interesant pe tema dezinformării și manipulării executate de Rusia la scară mare, în perioada Războiului Rece, aparține Centrului francez de studii strategice al Amiralului Lacoste - unul dintre autori, Henry Cathalla, a fost publicat și la noi, o ediție îngrijită de generalul Stan, de la SRI, șef al micului departament D de pe vremea DSS.
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"China is telling critics of the buildup that it is simply reclaiming its history as a powerful yet peaceful and defensive-minded nation. Officials point to the harmonious-minded teachings of Confucius and construction of the defensive Great Wall, among other historical evidence.

But that interpretation of Chinese history, which has become an essential tool for the Communist Party of China to assuage its neighbors’ anxiety and manage domestic opinion, is at odds with the country’s history, Asia scholars say.

They point out that at the height of its power, China used military force — or its threat — to garner land and wealth.

“China uses folklore, myths and legends, as well as history, to bolster greater territorial and maritime claims and create new realities on the land and water,” Mohan Malik, a China expert at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu, wrote in an essay published last year. “Chinese textbooks preach the notion of the Middle Kingdom as being the oldest and most advanced civilization that was at the very center of the universe, surrounded by lesser, partially Sinicized states in East and Southeast Asia that must constantly bow and pay their respects.”

China’s reading of history is relevant to the rest of the world for the very fact that it is central to the ideology underpinning the Communist Party of China’s foreign policy. It’s particularly important to Xi Jinping, China’s president and head of both the CPC and the Central Military Commission.

Xi has emphasized the philosophy of Confucius, a teacher who lived around 500 BC, whose principles were once vilified by the CPC under the leadership of Mao Zedong from the 1950s until his death in 1976.

During a forum on Confucius in Beijing in September, Xi said China’s historical traditions “can offer beneficial insights for governance and wise rule,” according to the state-owned Xinhua news agency.

“China lives in the past to chart its future,” Malik said during an interview with Stars and Stripes.

“It’s China’s quest to expand its maritime frontiers using the Communist Party’s version of history that poses the biggest challenge to regional order and security. History is in dispute. Whose version of history is accurate?

“With the collapse of the socialist bloc displacing communist Marxism and Leninism ideology, China has come to rely more and more on the Chinese Communist Party’s version of history to both justify and legitimize the party’s rule in China as part of its patriotic education, particularly since the 1989 Tiananmen massacre,” Malik said.

An examination of Chinese history reveals that its foreign policy has been strongly correlated to its relative strength as a regional power, said Yuan-kang Wang, an associate professor in the Department of Sociology and School of Public Affairs and Administration at Western Michigan University and author of the book “Harmony and War: Confucian Culture and Chinese Power Politics.”

“When China was powerful, it was more aggressive, and when China was declining, it became more defensive,” Wang said.

In his book, Wang examined China’s military policies during the Song and Ming dynasties, lasting roughly from 960 to 1644 AD — interrupted by the centurylong Mongol occupation from 1279 to 1368.

Wang found that Confucian philosophy about justice, society and leadership had little influence on military decision-making during that era.

“I found no evidence to support that Confucius’ culture restrained Chinese aggressiveness,” he said. “When China decided to use military force, it was all about a realistic assessment about the balance of power between China and its adversaries. When China was strong, it preferred to use military force against military adversaries. When China was weak, it would shift to a defensive posture.”
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http://www.stripes.com/news/pacific/historians-say-china-twisting-its-history-to-justify-military-buildup-aggression-1.319347

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